I thought the point about energy demand as an “ongoing constitution” was really useful, specifically for thinking about how energy demand changed during COVID19. It made me wonder how temporality is written into certain policies. This is something we should look at. Certainly time is written into the LIHEAP crisis season, which starts November 1 and end March 31st here in Pennsylvania. How did COVID19 extend this or require temporal modifications? (@Morgan)
I am still chewing on this question of whether there is a basic, universal and unwavering energy demand, or if it is completely contingent and there is no baseline. What does this mean for any energy rights discussion?
The end of the chapter made me think about the disconnect happening during COVID19, between making sure policies were in place to meet assumed energy demand and parallel but disconnected and unrelated policies that might have been creating new modes of domestic energy demand and services. For example, moving everything online. This is what the authors refer to as “non-energy policies” that shape energy demand (13).
And of course, we have seen zero discussion at any level of policy making that considers how COVID19’s social policies might pair with demand reduction strategies.
